Ivry
man finds himself in the park and, as expected, sees Dr. Know seated on his
usual bench looking agitated.
IM.
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Dr. Know, how are you? I was hoping to see
you here. It has been too long since we spoke.
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DK.
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[Warm smile]
Indeed it has my dear friend. The responsibility for this lies with the guy
who writes this dialogue. Apparently he has been very busy with other things and
could not find the time to bother with the likes of us. Who am I to argue
with that?
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IM.
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As you said the last time we met. But
you seemed to be a bit preoccupied a moment ago. Is something worrying you?
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DK.
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How perceptive you are. Yes, in truth, I am
very frustrated. For years I have been arguing the case for school vouchers –
of course I am not alone in this – yet such little progress has been made.
Support is growing, especially among low income families in the worst school
districts in the United States, but the educational establishment is very
powerfully against them; even now when the current president has a real
opportunity to get behind them, he refuses to do so.
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IM.
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I see you are upset. I am not sure I
understand this issue very well. My intuition tells me that vouchers are a
threat to the whole idea of public education and all it stands for. But
perhaps you can help me understand better.
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DK.
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Indeed. I will be happy to. After all, that
must be the reason that this dialogue is being written, right?
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IM.
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I am not sure I understand.
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DK.
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Never mind. Actually your intuition is
shared by many people. One might say it is the conventional wisdom. Although
the public school system is only about 150 years old, the notion of public
schooling runs very deep in the American psyche. Many believe it is a key,
indispensible element of American democracy.
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IM.
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Yes. How are they wrong?
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DK.
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They are tragically wrong. While public
schooling may have been a good experience for many children, for the majority
of children today it is at best very mediocre and mostly a disaster. The
public school experiment is a failure. In terms of its own goals and
principles it has failed. It is time we disabused ourselves of mindless
prejudices in its favor and started to look hard at the facts and at the
logic.
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IM.
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I am sure you can elaborate for me.
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DK.
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I’ll try. The goals of public schooling as
an ideal are probably noble, admirable. To provide every American child with
certain minimal educational opportunities – who can argue with that? It is
seen as a way to implement basic democratic principles, allowing children of
poor families, as well as of middle class and rich families, access to that
great solvent of American society, education – and thereby to break down
persistent and dysfunctional racial, ethnic and economic barriers.
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IM.
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Yes, indeed!
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DK.
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Actually the original impetus for the public
school system was not so noble. It was basically a question of Protestant paranoia
over Catholic private education and an attempt to negate the subversive
progress of the latter. But this not so relevant now.
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The voucher system I have in mind is one that would provide parents a choice of where to send their children to school by providing them with the equivalent in vouchers (or tax credits, or some such refund scheme) of the cost to the taxpayer of educating their children in the public schools. So it is not an argument for getting the state out of the business of subsidizing education. It is an argument for getting the state out of the business of producing education. Or, since I could imagine a dual system (such as we have in higher education), it would remove the monopoly of the state in producing education. A voucher system would closely resemble the GI bill.
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IM.
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Yes I follow that.
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DK.
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Note, vouchers or tuition credits or
something similar is provided rather than cash because of the standard
liberal objection that parents can’t be trusted to use the money for
education rather than booze or drugs. Liberals love humanity, it’s just people
they have contempt for.
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IM.
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Nice Dr. Know. Now that you have that off
your chest, what are the objections to vouchers?
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DK.
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It seems to me there are two main arguments
against vouchers, the "church-state separation argument" and the
"social responsibility argument".
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IM.
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I am more interested in the second.
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DK.
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Mostly the reluctance to even consider vouchers
seems to come from the conviction that a voucher system will be harmful to
the cause of "social equality" (as I mentioned a moment ago). There
is the perception that vouchers will destroy the public school system and
that this will exacerbate or perpetuate poverty..
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This is a very bad argument. It is now
pretty much undeniable that, as I asserted earlier, the public school systems
are, in general, failing in their overall mission to provide all elements of
the population with at least an "adequate" education. The public
school system as an institution is supposed to advance the aims of
"equality of opportunity" for all Americans regardless of gender,
race, national origin or other educationally irrelevant characteristics and
of provide opportunities for those who have different learning styles and
approaches as well. It has been thought that schools that were segregated by
ethnic group could not deliver on these aims and so the aim of desegregation
has evolved along with our national educational policy.
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IM.
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Yes you pretty much said as much already. So
what is the reality?
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DK.
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If you will be patient I will get to that
soon enough.
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IM.
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A thousand pardons Dr. Know.
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DK.
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Very well. As it stands now, seen in the
light of these aspirations, I believe we should be bitterly disappointed.
There are some very good public schools, even some superlative ones. These
are few in number and they are located primarily in the affluent suburban
areas. They are attended mainly by children from upper income families,
mostly white. But, most of our public schools are substandard, overcrowded
and bureaucratic. Many of those in the inner-cities are downright dangerous -
they are breeding grounds for the drug-traffic, for teenage-pregnancy, for
gang-warfare and much else besides. And they do not educate the children who
attend them, who are mostly poor and from minority families. The worst
nightmares of those who oppose segregated schools are fulfilled by the public
school system as it now operates. At best we have institutionalized
mediocrity. At worst we have exacerbated the cycle of poverty and
deprivation. It is no exaggeration to say that the public school system is perpetuating and exacerbating the very problems it was apparently designed to
solve!
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IM.
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So how would vouchers solve this?
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DK.
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Well. Vouchers would provide at least the
potential of a way out for some, maybe many, maybe most families. That is
why, I believe, many families and leaders from minority communities are now
actively and vigorously supporting them. As I said earlier, the proposal I am
considering, and which all leaders in the field of education should actively support, is
one which provides to parents the equivalent of the cost of educating their
children in the public schools. At least this way parents would have a choice
and schools would start to be accountable to them.
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IM.
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I think I see where this is going.
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DK.
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Well, there are two usual objection at this
stage. One, those parents who could afford to "top up" (add to) the
value of the voucher would take their kids to private schools in the more
affluent areas, and this would exacerbate inequality. Two, even the poorer
parents armed with a voucher will pull their kids out of the public schools,
so the public school system would collapse. There would be nowhere for some
kids to go, especially those with special learning needs.
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IM.
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And what do you say to that? You have an
answer I am sure.
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DK.
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In answer to the first objection: I wonder
how much more segregated the system could become than it is now. I suspect
actually that with a voucher system schools would become less segregated, not
more segregated, as kids from the poorer neighborhoods take their vouchers to
schools of their choice. In any case, it is one more spurious argument in
favor of the sacrifice of individual economic and social advancement in the name
of equality – as Milton Friedman pointed out; those who try to achieve
equality by sacrificing freedom of choice end up sacrificing both.
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IM.
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Aha! And what about the second objection,
precipitating the collapse of the public system?
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DK.
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If the public school system is that fragile
that, at the earliest opportunity, its clients would abandon it for preferred
alternatives, one might wonder why it is indeed worth saving at all. To the
supporters of public schools as an ideal in itself, I would ask how bad do
the public schools have to get before you will consider that perhaps they are
not worth saving? There are currently a variety of private scholarship
programs that provide 50% of the tuition of private schooling for the child,
the other 50% being provided by the parents. Parents are invited to apply.
The programs are incredibly oversubscribed – by many hundred percent. In
other words, hundreds of thousands of families, many of them very poor, are
prepared to pay 50% of a private school tuition in preference to the “free”
education their kids could get in the public schools. What does that tell you
about the value to them of each of these alternatives? This is not
hypothetical, this is fact!
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Of course “free” public schooling is not
really free. Right now the state and local governments are spending a fortune per child in the public schools, actually much more than is generally known and
much more than in the private schools!! The sums are actually breathtaking,
and the worst school districts are spending the most! All or most of this
money would be available for vouchers, implying a substantial sum in the
hands of parents when choosing among educational options for their children.
This makes the schools accountable to parents – not to administrators, to
unions or to government committees.
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IM.
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Yes, but what about those who are left in
the dysfunctional public school system, and what about those kids with
special needs?
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DK.
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I thought you might say that. And it brings
me to perhaps the most important point of all – pay careful attention to what
I am now going to say.
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IM.
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Yes sir, Dr. Know. You know I will!
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DK.
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When schools are accountable to parents, who
have many thousands of dollars of potential revenue for the them, the extent
and type of response that might develop is literally unimaginable. The
variety of schools of many types, sizes, qualities and specialties (including
those for special needs children) is likely to be very large. There is likely
to be a high degree of innovation in educational styles (responding to
parents who have different opinions and desires in relation to aspects of
educational philosophy), and a high degree of dynamism in educational
development. Schools will most likely be smaller, safer and more enjoyable.
There will be fewer administrators per child, more (and better-performing)
teachers per child.
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Educational experts don’t like this at all.
They have all sorts of objections based on their own visions of how they
think an educational system should be structured, based on their “expert”
knowledge. So they are willing to denounce and condemn the very idea of a
state- or nation-wide voucher system on the basis that, for example, it might
imply the segregation, rather than main-streaming of special-needs kids, or
the teaching of subjects not to their liking, etc. The arrogance of this
amazes me. Because of their ideological commitments, these people are
prepared to sanction the holding of our children hostage in failing American
schools and foreclose fantastic opportunities for them in order to be able to
try to achieve the doubtful benefits of their visions – many of which have
already been tested and found wanting.
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IM.
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But what if these experts are right about
their arguments for a good educational system for all and the deprivation of
some?
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DK.
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Even if there were any merit to the very
dubious argument that unfortunate minorities like special-needs families, or
kids of dysfunctional parents, or who knows-what, would suffer as a result
the introduction of a comprehensive voucher program, it does not follow that
one should sacrifice the considerable benefits of the majority in order to
preserve the status quo for the special minority. Surely not! A better
argument would be to accept vouchers with the proviso that this apparent
shortcoming be attended to if necessary by special provisions.
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IM.
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Hmm! So are you telling me that but for the
opposition of these educational elites, the facts and your logic would
prevail?
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DK.
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Sadly no. If it were just the opposition of
the educational elites, who are, to be sure, powerful, I believe the
arguments for choice in education would have prevailed long ago. It is,
rather, overwhelmingly the power of the teachers’ unions that stand against
rationality, progress and real reform in education. The teachers’ unions are self-serving, politically very powerful, unmovable bureaucracies.
They are in bed with many parts of the executive and Congress. Introducing
choice in education would remove protection for bad teachers, would spotlight
unnecessary administrative positions and would take away educational
decisions from the bureaucracy and put them in the hands of parents. The
survival of the unions is threatened by vouchers and they are able and
willing to use whatever opportunistic means they can to oppose them. Their
opposition is not a principled one! It is based on their vested interest. In
my book what they are doing to America’s youth is basically criminal. Yet,
thus far they have been able to hide the consequences of their actions from
most of us.
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Recently, however, the realization has
dawned on parents in the most miserable school districts – in Wisconsin, in
DC, in Florida and some other places. And there is a growing groundswell in
favor of parental choice in education. This is a non-partisan, non-class
issue. Poor minority families are rising up against the teachers’ unions. The
outrage is growing. It is heartening, but also frustrating. These are
low-income minority families appealing for the right to send their kids to
charter schools or voucher-accepting private schools of their choice. The
president has a real opportunity to do something really different – to bring
real and beneficial change now. But, so far, he has not had the courage to
oppose the teachers’ unions and I doubt he, or any other president, ever
will. If a breakthrough comes it will probably be in the courts and maybe
also in the Congress. It is long overdue.
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IM.
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What about the church-state separation
argument?
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DK.
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It’s really hard to know if this is a
genuine argument, a real worry, or simply another strategy. Many who oppose
vouchers assert that they violate the constitutional separation of church and
state "because state money can be used for religious education." I
believe the logic is faulty. Right now the state is involved in the choice
that parents make regarding their children’s religious education. That is
because the state makes the price of a non-religious education much cheaper,
at the margin, than a religious one. An education containing, or based on, a
religious tradition has to be obtained in a private school. This implies that
those parents who choose this option end up paying twice. Once, through their
taxes, for the public school they don’t use, and again, from their after tax
income for the private tuition. Saying that the state is uninvolved adopts
the myth that an education that is devoid of religious content is somehow to
be considered "neutral". It is not neutral. It discriminates
against those who, at equal prices, would have chosen a positive religious
content. It discriminates against those who would rather have their tax money
educate children in a religion of their parents’ choice. Can a case not be
made that the only neutral situation is one that gives the parents a choice,
that is to say, is non-coercive with regard to both imposing or depriving
religious content?
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In any case, as a practical, legal matter,
the argument seems to be wrong. A number of current supreme court decisions
indicate that, as does the fact that under the GI bill veterans can choose
religiously based universities. The money goes to the parents, not to the
schools. And then the parents decide. There is no violation of church-state
separation. These are private choices.
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IM.
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Is that it?
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DK.
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Pretty much. I would finally add this. Apart
from anything else, as a fundamental moral question, on what basis can one
support the denial of educational choice to parents?
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IM.
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So every argument to the contrary you
consider to be soundly refuted. Are there any valid arguments against
vouchers?
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DK.
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Yes, indeed, there is one. But it comes not
from those who support the public school system. It comes rather from those
who oppose any kind of government involvement in education, it comes from
those who regard vouchers, or any educational subsidies, as dangerous insofar
as they may extend the power of government over the private education sector.
Schools qualifying for vouchers would be state-certified thus extending state
discretion. This has obvious potential for abuse. One could hardly think of
anything more dangerous than giving power over education to powerful
governments. The power to command huge resources for the education of young minds
is indeed an awesome and dangerous power that one should keep out of the
hands of potentially opportunistic bureaucrats. And vouchers would extend
this power over private schools who chose to accept the vouchers. We can
already see the corrupting influence of this type of thing in our higher
educational systems – in the runaway tuition costs and in the state
discretion over aspects of the curriculum that they fund.
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I have no argument against this objection. I
accept it. I too am against the involvement of government in education at any
level. I firmly believe that educational quality and achievement at all
levels would be better without it. But my strong advocacy of vouchers is
based on the judgment that a comprehensive voucher system would be infinitely
better than what we now have, infinitely better. And the probability of
achieving a comprehensive voucher system (or even an expanding piecemeal one)
that would bring so much benefit to so many children being introduced soon,
is so much higher than the probability of achieving a more ideal (from my
point of view) system. So my argument is also a strategic one. I judge the
benefits of subsidized parental choice to be worth the risk of its very
really pitfalls and dangers. I would hope that if ever there were a
comprehensive scaling back of the size of the state at all levels, education
would be included, whenever such a remote possibility ever arrives.
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I strongly prefer parental choice to what we
have now because I believe that, in general, parents want the best for their
children and that competition through the educational market will work to
give it to them. But even if, as you hear this, my dear friend, you have
lingering doubts, ask yourself "how could it be worse than it is
now?!!" How could it be worse?! The standard to hold any proposed
alternative to is not perfection, it is relative improvement. I don’t see how
giving parents of children a choice between schools could make them (their
children) worse off.
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IM.
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As usual Dr. Know, this has been a most
enlightening discussion. But I have a few questions for you on another
subject if you don’t mind.
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DK.
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Ah, I wish I could. Unfortunately that will
have to wait for our next meeting. So good to see you. Until next time.
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Upon which he rises and ambles off in the direction of the
library.
1 comment:
As usual, an excellent article.
The best as the enemy of the better.
Probably the results of public education have to really go down the drain for parents demanding change.
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